Paris Peace Conference | World War I

The formal conference of the victorious Allies in 1919 and 1920 after the end of World War I to set the peace conditions for the defeated Central Powers was known as the Paris Peace Conference. It resulted in five treaties that reshaped the map of Europe, as well as parts of Africa, Asia, and the Pacific Islands, and imposed financial penalties. It was dominated by the leaders of Britain, France, the United States, and Italy. Germany and the other losing nations lacked a voice, resulting in decades of political bitterness. Diplomats from 32 countries and nationalities attended the meeting, which resulted in the foundation of the League of Nations and the signing of five peace treaties with vanquished states; the awarding of German and Ottoman overseas possessions as "mandates," primarily to Britain and France; the imposition of reparations on Germany; and the representation of new national boundaries, sometimes through plebiscites, to more closely reflect ethnic boundaries. The Treaty of Versailles with Germany was the principal outcome; Article 231 of the treaty attributed the whole blame for the war to "Germany's and her allies' aggression." That condition was highly humiliating for Germany. Moreover, it laid the groundwork for the costly reparations that Germany was supposed to pay (it paid only a minor portion before its last payment in 1931). Again, the conference was dominated by the five great nations (France, Britain, Italy, Japan, and the United States).

US President Woodrow Wilson, British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau, and Italian Prime Minister Vittorio Emanuele Orlando were the "Big Four". They met 145 times informally and made all significant decisions before being confirmed. Then, on January 18, 1919, the conference began. "Although the major leaders stopped working directly on the conference in June 1919, the formal peace process did not conclude until July 1923, when the Treaty of Lausanne was signed," Professor Michael Neiberg said. Thus, the "Versailles Conference" is widely referred to. However, only the first treaty was signed there, in the old palace. After that, the negotiations took place at the Quai d'Orsay in Paris.

On the 18th of January 1919, the conference was solemnly inaugurated at the Quai d'Orsay in Paris. The date was important because it was the anniversary of William I's proclamation as German Emperor in the Palace of Versailles' Hall of Mirrors in 1871, shortly before the end of the Siege of Paris. Moreover, this day was significant in Germany. After all, it was the anniversary of the establishment of the Kingdom of Prussia in 1701. Delegates from 27 countries (representatives from five nationalities were primarily disregarded) were allocated to 52 commissions, which held 1,646 sessions to formulate reports with the assistance of many experts on topics ranging from convicts of war to undersea cables, international aviation, and war responsibility. In addition, the Treaty of Versailles with Germany, which contained 15 chapters and 440 provisions in accord with the other vanquished states, incorporated important proposals.

The conference was dominated by the five great nations (France, Britain, Italy, the United States, and Japan). In actuality, Japan only sent a former prime minister and played a minor role among the "Big Five," with the "Big Four" leaders dominating the summit. The four met 145 times informally and made all of the main choices, which the other attendees then confirmed. All delegations in open meetings endorsed the Big Four's decisions. The League of Nations' inaugural General Assembly took place on January 21, 1920, closing the conference. At the Paris Peace Conference, five significant peace treaties were drafted (with, in parentheses, the affected countries)

Table:Five major peace treaties at the Paris Peace Conference

The League of Nations was founded; five peace treaties with defeated enemies were signed; German and Ottoman overseas possessions were awarded as "mandates," primarily to members of the British Empire and France; reparations were imposed on Germany, and new national boundaries were drawn (sometimes with plebiscites) to better reflect the forces of nationalism. The top result was the Treaty of Versailles with Germany, which, in section 231, blamed the war on "Germany's and her allies' aggressiveness." This condition was humiliating for Germany. Moreover, it prepared the framework for Germany to pay exorbitant reparations (it spent only a small portion before reparations ended in 1931).

During the conference, Paris was effectively the centre of a world government, which deliberated over and implemented the sweeping changes to Europe's political geography. Because the conference's decisions were enacted unilaterally and mainly on the whims of the Big Four, Paris was efficiently the centre of a world government during the meeting. The Treaty of Versailles, in particular, weakened the German military and placed full blame for the war and costly reparations on Germany's shoulders. Historians often consider the subsequent humiliation and resentment in Germany as one of the direct causes of the Nazi Party's electoral successes and indirect causes of World War II. The League of Nations was divisive in the United States because critics claimed it usurped the influence of the US Congress to declare war; the US Senate refused to ratify any of the peace treaties; hence the US never joined. Instead, the Harding administration signed new treaties with Germany, Austria, and Hungary from 1921 through 1923. The German Weimar Republic was not requested to the Versailles conference. White Russia was represented at the summit, but not Communist Russia. Several additional countries sent delegations to lobby for various unsuccessful treaty amendments. In contrast, political parties lobbied for causes ranging from South Caucasus independence to Japan's unsuccessful demand for racial equality to the other major powers.

The disposition of Germany's overseas colonies was a major topic of discussion during the conference. (The Ottoman Empire was a separate issue, and Austria-Hungary had no important colonies.) The British dominions demanded compensation for their service. New Guinea was desired by Australia, Samoa by New Zealand, and South Africa by South West Africa. Wilson wished for the League to oversee all German colonies until they were ready to become independent. Lloyd George knew that he needed to support his dominions, so he suggested a compromise: there would be three different kinds of mandates. One category of mandates was for Turkish provinces, which would be split between Britain and France.

In the second group, New Guinea, Samoa, and South-West Africa were so near to responsible supervisors that mandates could only be awarded to Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. Finally, the African colonies would require close oversight as "Class B" mandates, which could only be delivered by experienced colonial powers such as Britain, France, and Belgium, despite Italy and Portugal only receiving minor swaths of land. Wilson and the others eventually agreed to the solution. The dominions were given "Class C Mandates" to send to the colonies they desired. Japanese mandates were gained over German holdings north of the equator. Wilson did not want any mandates imposed on the United States. However, his principal adviser, Colonel House, was heavily involved in the allocation of the others. Wilson was particularly offended by Australian requests, and he and Hughes (Australian Prime Minister) had several memorable fights.

The British delegates to the conference were concerned for the British Empire's unity, territory, and interests. However, they came to the meeting with more particular goals in the following order of significance:

• Guaranteeing the safety of France
• Eliminating the risk of the German High Seas Fleet
• Subsiding regional disputes
• Assisting the League of Nations

The Japanese Racial Equality Proposal did not directly contradict any vital British interests. However, as the conference went, its full ramifications on immigration to British dominions, particularly Australia, became a significant cause of dispute within the delegation. In the end, Britain did not consider the suggestion to be one of the conference's primary goals. As a result, its delegation was willing to forego the plan to appease the Australian delegation and therefore contribute to the empire's overall goal of maintaining unity. The British had reluctantly agreed to separate dominion delegations' attendance. However, they managed to thwart the newly declared Irish Republic envoys to make their case for self-determination, diplomatic recognition, and membership in the projected League of Nations at the meeting. In a letter to Clemenceau, the Irish envoys' chairman made their final "Demand for Recognition." The Government of Ireland Act 1920 was approved as Britain's attempt to legislate for two Irish Home Rule nations with no dominion status. Because of their anti-war position during the Conscription Crisis of 1918, Irish nationalists were unpopular with the Allies in 1919.

Dominion Representation

The dominion governments were not invited to the conference separately but were expected to send representatives as part of the British group. Prime Minister Sir Robert Borden, convinced that Canada had emerged as a country on the European battlefields, wanted a separate seat at the meeting. It was initially opposed by both the United Kingdom and the United States. They considered a Dominion delegation as an extra British vote. Borden answered by pointing out that Canada had lost approximately 60,000 soldiers, far more than the 50,000 American men on the list, and thus had the right to be represented by a "minor" power. Lloyd George eventually gave up and persuaded the reluctant Americans to accept the attendance of representatives from Canada, India, Australia, New Zealand, Newfoundland, and South Africa in the League of Nations, as long as those countries were given their seats. Despite its massive losses in the war, Canada did not request restitution or mandates. The Australian delegation, led by Prime Minister Billy Hughes, pushed hard for its objectives, including compensations, the annexation of German New Guinea, and denial of the Racial Equality Proposal. He said he had no opposition to the concept if it was stated that it did not grant anyone the right to enter Australia. However, he was concerned about Japan's ascent. Japan, Australia, and New Zealand had taken all of Germany's assets in the Far East and the Pacific Ocean within months of 1914. With the consent of the British, Japan annexed German territories, but Hughes was worried by the policy.

Georges Clemenceau, the French Prime Minister, was in charge of his delegation. His primary purpose was to weaken Germany militarily, tactically, and economically. He was adamant that Germany not be allowed to attack France again after witnessing two German assaults on French soil in the last 40 years. In particular, Clemenceau requested a mutual guarantee of French protection from the United States and the United Kingdom in the case of another German attack. Wilson's Fourteen Points elicited Clemenceau's scepticism and frustration, and he complained: "Mr Wilson's fourteen points seem tedious to me. God Almighty, after all, only has ten!" Wilson gained a few points by signing a mutual defence treaty with France. However, because he did not submit it to the Senate for confirmation, it never became effective.

Another viable French strategy would be to seek reconciliation with Germany. René Massigli, a diplomat, was dispatched to Berlin on multiple covert missions in May 1919. During his trips, he volunteered to alter the territorial and economic terms of the forthcoming peace treaty on behalf of his government. "Practical, unwritten discussions" between French and German officials, according to Massigli, would lead to a "Franco-German partnership." Furthermore, Massagli informed the Germans that the "Anglo-Saxon powers" (the United States and the British Empire) were the greatest threat to France in the postwar era. He believed that both France and Germany had a common interest in fighting "Anglo-Saxon domination" worldwide. He cautioned that "deepening opposition" between the two countries "would lead to the collapse of both countries, to the benefit of the Anglo-Saxon influences."

The Germans disallowed the French offers because they believed the overtures were a ruse to accept the Treaty of Versailles; German Foreign Minister Count Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau thought that the United States would be the first was more likely than France to reduce the severity of the peace treaty. Lloyd George was eventually the one who advocated for better terms for Germany.

Even though the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary, Italy stayed neutral in 1914. In 1915, it allied with the Allies to expand the territories vowed by the Triple Entente in the secret Treaty of London: Trentino, Trieste, the Tyrol as far as Brenner, Istria, the majority of the Dalmatian Coast except for Fium, Valona, an Albanian protectorate, Antalya in Turkey, and possibly colonies in Africa. Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, the Italian Prime Minister, attempted to get the Treaty of London fully implemented, as France and Britain accepted before the war. Because of the defeat of 700,000 soldiers and a budget deficit of 12,000,000,000 Italian lire during the war, both the government and the people felt entitled to all of those territories, as well as others not mentioned in the Treaty of London, such as Fiume, which many Italians assumed should be annexed to Italy due to the city's large Italian population.

Orlando, who could not communicate in English, collaborated with his Foreign Minister, Sidney Sonnino, a Protestant of British ancestry who could. They collaborated principally to secure the Habsburg Monarchy's split. As a result, Italy won Istria, Trieste, Trentino, and South Tyrol during the conference. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was handed most of Dalmatia, but Fiume remained contested territory, prompting nationalist indignation. Other achievements achieved by Orlando include Italy's permanent participation in the League of Nations and the Allies' agreement to transfer British Jubaland and the French Aozou strip to Italian colonies. Protectorates over Albania and Antalya were also established. However, nationalists viewed the war as a disfigured triumph, forcing Orlando to abandon the conference and resign. In his place, Francesco Saverio Nitti signed the treaties.

There was widespread dissatisfaction in Italy, which nationalists and fascists claimed that the Allies had forsaken Italy and refused to provide what had been promised. It was a factor in the growth of fascists in Italy as a whole. However, Orlando refused to accept the war as a mutilated victory.

A big delegation from Japan was sent, led by former Prime Minister Marquis Saionji Kinmochi. It used to be one of the "big five," but it dropped out due to its lack of interest in European politics. Instead, it concentrated on two demands: the inclusion of its Racial Equality Proposal in the League's Covenant and Japanese territorial claims to former German possessions such as Shantung (including Kiaochow) and the Pacific islands north of the equator (Micronesia, the Marshall Islands, the Mariana Islands, and the Carolines). Because of his illness history, former Foreign Minister Baron Makino Nobuaki was de facto in charge, and Saionji's role was symbolic and limited. After receiving only half of Germany's rights, the Japanese delegation became dissatisfied and stormed out of the conference.

Racial Equality Proposal

"The equality of nations being a basic principle of the League of Nations, the High Contracting Parties agree to the agreement as soon as possible to all alien nationals of states, affiliates of the League, equal and just treatment in every respect, making no difference, either in law or, on account of their race or nationality," Japan proposed on February 13 as a modification to Article 21 of the League of Nations Covenant.

Wilson, as Conference chairman, recognized the importance of Great Britain in the issue and mandated a unanimous vote. The commission had its final session on April 11, 1919. The Racial Equality Proposal obtained a majority of votes, although Britain and Australia rejected it. The Australians had persuaded the British to uphold Australia's White Australia policy. However, Wilson also understood that he required the backing of the West, which was concerned about Chinese and Japanese immigration, and the South, which was concerned about the rise of black people in the country. The proposal's failure affected Japan's shift away from Western cooperation and toward more nationalist and aggressive policies and tactics.

Territorial Claims

The Chinese patriotic student group fought back hard against the Japanese claim to Shantung. Japan had acquired the territory ceded to Germany in 1897 and the German islands in the Pacific north of the equator when the war began in 1914. Japan had negotiated secret deals with the United Kingdom, France, and Italy in 1917 to ensure a takeover of these regions. There was an agreement with Britain to facilitate the annexation of the Pacific Islands south of the equator by the British. Despite the American delegation's generally pro-Chinese stance, Article 156 of the Treaty of Versailles granted German concessions in China's Jiaozhou Bay to Japan rather than transferring sovereignty to China. Lou Tseng-Tsiang, the Chinese delegation's leader, insisted that a reservation be included in the treaty before he would sign it. All delegations except China signed the pact after the reservation was denied. The May Fourth Movement began as a result of Chinese resentment over that provision. The Pacific Islands north of the equator were assigned to Japan as a class C mandate.

No incumbent American president had ever visited Europe before Wilson's arrival in December 1918. As the war came to a close, Wilson's 1917 Fourteen Points had helped win many hearts and minds in America and throughout Europe, including Germany and its allies in the former subjects of the Ottoman Empire. Wilson's diplomacy and the Fourteen Points essentially set the terms for the armistices that brought World War I to a close. Wilson believed that becoming a prominent presence at the peace talks was his job and obligation to the world's people. He was detained in high regard and was expected to deliver on his promises for the postwar period. As a result, Wilson began to push the United States' foreign policy toward interventionism. This shift has been fiercely contested in some domestic quarters ever since.

On the other hand, Wilson discovered rivalries, and contradictory claims previously submerged" when he arrived. He spent most of his time persuading France's Georges Clemenceau and Britain's David Lloyd George to change their thoughts about Germany and its allies in Europe and the former Ottoman Empire in the Middle East. Wilson's efforts to secure the adoption of his Fourteen Points were ultimately unsuccessful after France, and the United Kingdom declined to endorse several of its specific points and underlying concepts. Moreover, several of his Fourteen Points in Europe clashed with the interests of the other powers. The United States did not support or believe that assigning exclusive responsibility for the war to Germany under Article 231 of the Treaty of Versailles was fair or justified. The United States would not sign peace treaties with the Central Powers until 1921, when President Warren Harding signed separate peace treaties with Germany, Austria, and Hungary.

Negotiations in the Middle East were hampered by competing goals and claims and the new mandate system. As expressed in the Fourteen Points, the United States hoped to construct a more liberal and diplomatic world in which democracy, sovereignty, liberty, and self-determination would be honoured. On the other side, France and Britain already had empires, held influence over their subjects worldwide, and sought to be the world's preeminent colonial powers.

The conference heard speeches from contending Zionists and Arabs in light of the previously secret Sykes-Picot Agreement and the execution of the mandate system on the Arab territories of the former Ottoman Empire. Wilson then suggested that an international commission of inquiry be established to ascertain the wishes of the locals. The idea, which the United Kingdom and France first supported, was later rejected. However, it was resurrected as the exclusively American King-Crane Commission, which toured Syria and Palestine during 1919, collecting statements and polling public opinion. Its report, which was given to Wilson, was kept hidden from the public until December 1922, when The New York Times leak out the news. As a result, Congress issued a pro-Zionist joint resolution on Palestine in September 1922. By agreeing to Wilson's League of Nations, France and the United Kingdom tried to satisfy him. However, because isolationist sentiment was robust and some of the League Charter's articles conflicted with the US Constitution, the US never ratified the Treaty of Versailles or joined the League that Wilson had helped promote peace through diplomacy rather than war conditions that can breed peace.

Greece's top envoy, Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos, attended the summit. Wilson is claimed to have ranked Venizelos top among all delegates in Paris in terms of personal aptitude. For the implementation of the Megali Idea, Venizelos urged Greek expansion in Thrace and Asia Minor, which had been part of the fallen Kingdom of Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire; Northern Epirus, Imvros; and Tenedos. He also achieved an agreement with the Italians, the Venizelos-Tittoni, for the cession of the Dodecanese (save for Rhodes) to Greece. In addition, he advocated a unified Pontic-Armenian state for the Pontic Greeks. Venizelos was a fervent supporter of the Fourteen Points and the League of Nations as a liberal politician.

Lou Tseng-Tsiang led the Chinese mission, which included Wellington Koo and Cao Rulin. Koo asked that Germany return the Shandong concessions to China. Extraterritoriality, legation guards, and foreign leaseholds were among the imperialist institutions he requested to be abolished. However, despite American support and an assumed spirit of self-determination, the Western nations turned down their demands instead of transferring German concessions to Japan. On the 4th of May, this provoked large student protests in China, subsequently known as the May Fourth Movement, which pushed the government to refuse to sign the Treaty of Versailles. As a result, the Chinese delegation was the only one who did not sign the treaty during the signing ceremony.

All-Russian Government (Whites)

Russia was legally barred from the conference despite battling the Central Powers for three years. The Russian Provincial Council, the political arm of the Russian White movement and the successor to the Russian Constitutional Assembly, attended the conference and was represented by former tsarist minister Sergey Sazonov, who would have most likely participated in the discussion if the Tsar had not been overthrown. Although the council insisted on an indivisible Russia, several members were willing to bargain over the loss of Poland and Finland. According to the council, all territorial claims or demands for autonomy within the former Russian Empire should be presented to a new All-Russian Constituent Assembly.

Ukraine

At the conference, Ukraine had its best chance to gain international recognition and support. On January 16, Lloyd George referred to Ukrainian leader Symon Petliura (1874–1926) as an adventurer. He rejected Ukraine as an anti-Bolshevik bulwark at a meeting of the Big Five. Sir Eyre Crowe, the British Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs, spoke out against a union of East Galicia and Poland. However, the British government never decided whether it would support a united or divided Russia. The US supported an assertive, united Russia as a counterweight to Japan. However, Britain was concerned about a threat to India. Count Tyshkevich was designated as Petliura's Vatican agent, Pope Benedict XV recognized Ukrainian independence, but Ukraine was practically ignored.

Belarus

A delegation from the Belarusian Democratic Republic, led by Prime Minister Anton Łuckievič, attended the conference in the hopes of gaining international recognition for Belarus' independence. The team was met in Prague by Czechoslovak President Tomáš Masaryk on their route to the meeting. During the conference, Łuckievič  met with Sergey Sazonov, the exiled foreign minister of Admiral Alexander Kolchak's Russian government, and Ignacy Jan Paderewski, the Polish Prime Minister.

Minority Rights

The Big Four, at Wilson's request, forced Poland to sign a treaty on June 28, 1919, guaranteeing minority rights in the new nation. Poland agreed under duress and made little effort to ensure that Germans, Jews, Ukrainians, and other minorities respected their rights. Czechoslovakia, Romania, Greece, Yugoslavia, Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria, Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania signed similar treaties. In its proclamation of independence, Estonia had already granted cultural autonomy to minorities. A minority treaty was not requested of Finland or Germany.

The significant provisions of Poland were to become fundamental laws, superseding any national legal codes or legislation. The new government pledged the complete defence of life and liberty to all individuals without discrimination of birth, nationality, language, race, or religion. Everyone was guaranteed religious freedom. The majority of residents were granted citizenship, but there was some confusion over who was included. The treaty established fundamental civil, political, and cultural rights. It required that all citizens be treated equally before the law and that citizens and workers have the same rights.

However, Polish was to be the official language, the treaty allowed minorities to speak their native tongues freely in private, in commerce, in religion, in the press, at public assemblies, and in front of all tribunals. Minorities were to be allowed to organize and control private charities, churches, social institutions, and schools at their own expense, without interference from the government, which was expected to build German-language public schools in districts previously German. Above the primary level, all education was to be conducted entirely in the national language. The enforcement clause in Article 12 gave the League of Nations Council the obligation of monitoring and enforcing the treaties.

Caucasus

Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, as well as the Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus, sent delegations to the conference. Their attempts to secure protection from the ensuing Russian Civil War were unsuccessful because none of the powerful nations wanted to take control of the Caucasian provinces. The three South Caucasian countries were granted de facto recognition by the Supreme Council of the Allied Powers after a series of delays, but only after all European forces had been removed from the Caucasus, excluding a British contingent in Batumi. Georgia was de facto acknowledged on January 12, 1920, Azerbaijan on January 12, 1920, and Armenia on January 19, 1920. The Allies chose to restrict their aid to the Caucasian republics to armaments, munitions, and food. Avetis Aharonyan, Hamo Ohanjanyan, and Armen Garo were among the Armenian delegation members. Alimardan Topchubashev led the Azerbaijan delegation. Nikolay Chkheidze, Irakli Tsereteli, and Zurab Avalishvili were part of the Georgian delegation.

Japanese Colony

After the Korean National Association's attempt to send a three-person delegation to Paris was unsuccessful, a delegation of Koreans from China and Hawaii arrived in Paris. Kim Kyu-sik, a representative of the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai, was among those present. They were backed by the Chinese, who were keen to humiliate Japan in front of the international community. At the time, several vital Chinese officials, notably Sun Yat-sen, encouraged US diplomats that the conference should address the issue of Korean independence. However, the Chinese, who were already fighting the Japanese, were powerless to help Korea. Apart from China, no other country at the meeting took the Koreans seriously because it was already a Japanese colony. Korean nationalists' expectations for foreign backing were dashed when they failed to secure support from the conference.

Palestine

The World Zionist Organization submitted its draft resolutions for consideration by the conference on 3 February 1919, following the assembly's decision to split the former Arab provinces from the Ottoman Empire and implement the new mandate system. The statement included five main points:

• Acknowledgement of the Jewish people's significant title to Palestine and their right to re-form their State Home.
• Palestine's frontiers were to be established, including a request for land from Lebanon's Litani River to Egypt's al-arish.
• The League of Nations will have sovereign possession of Palestine, with the British serving as the League's mandated administration.
• Other provisions relating to the application of any general requirements linked to acceptable mandates for Palestine inserted by the High Contracting Parties.
• Additional circumstances, including:
  • The promotion of Jewish immigration and close settlement on the land and safeguarding rights of the present non-Jewish population
  • For the construction of the Jewish National Home in Palestine, a Jewish Council representative should be appointed, and any concession for public works or natural resources should be offered to the council first.
  • The self-government for localities
  • Religious freedom, with no discrimination amongst residents in terms of citizenship and civil rights based on religion or race
  • Keeping the holy places under control

Despite their efforts to sway the conference, the Zionists were limited to having just the right to apply for Palestinian citizenship under Article 7 of the Palestine Mandate. That resulted from the Palestinian Authority will be in charge of enacting nationality legislation. This law will include provisions to make it easier for Jews to get Palestinian citizenship after establishing a permanent residence in Palestine. Moreover, Zionists interpreted the 1917 Balfour Declaration to signify that the British had already accepted the Jews' ancient claim to Palestine. Whereas recognition has thus been given to the historical linking of the Jewish people with Palestine and the grounds for reforming their national home in that country, read the preamble of the British Mandate of 1922, which included the Balfour Declaration.

A committee of women used concerted pressure on delegates to create and solidify women's fundamental social, economic, and political rights, such as voting, inside the peace framework, which was an unusual component of the conference. Despite being refused seats at the Paris Conference, the Inter-Allied Women's Conference (IAWC) was organized under the leadership of Marguerite de Witt-Schlumberger, head of the French Union for Women's Suffrage, from February 10 to April 10, 1919. The IAWC successfully pushed Wilson and the other delegates at the Paris Conference to allow women to serve on its committees. As a result, it was granted a hearing by the conference's Commissions for International Labour Legislation and later the League of Nations Commission. Article 7 of the League of Nations Covenant, which states that "all offices under or in connection with the League, including the Secretariat, should be available equally to men and women," was a crucial and concrete fruit of the IAWC's work. In general, the IAWC positioned the subject of women's rights at the heart of the Paris-based new world order.

The redrawing of the world map at the conferences spawned a slew of crucial conflict-prone contradictions on a global scale that would eventually lead to World War II. According to British historian Eric Hobsbawm, the logical implication of attempting to generate a continent neatly separated into coherent territorial states, each inhabited by separate ethnically and linguistically homogeneous populations, was the mass expulsion or extermination of minorities. Such was and continues to be the reductio ad absurdum of territorial nationalism. However, this was not adequately demonstrated until the 1940s.

Hobsbawm and other left-wing historians have claimed that Wilson's Fourteen Points, particularly the principle of self-determination, were primarily anti-Bolshevik measures designed to tame the revolutionary fever that had swept Europe in the aftermath of the October Revolution and the war's end by playing the nationalism card.

The Red virus was to be contained by a zone of small nation-states that would act as a quarantine belt. While the emergence of new minor nation-states along Wilsonian lines did not eliminate national tensions in the revolutionary zone, it limited the Bolshevik revolution's possibilities. That was, in fact, the goal of the Allied peacekeepers. When Woodrow Wilson made the notion of self-determination one of his Fourteen Points, his purpose had been to undercut the attractiveness of Bolshevism, right-wing historian John Lewis Gaddis concurred. This viewpoint has a long history, and Ray Stannard Baker's famous phrase Paris cannot be understood without Moscow encapsulates it.